By Elizabeth S. Morris
A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the Helms School of Government in Candidacy for the Degree of Master of Arts in Public Policy
https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/masters/591
‘Although the ICWA has some statutory safeguards to prevent misuse, numerous families continue to be hurt by the law.’
Preface
My
husband and I began our lives together in a symbiotic alcoholic-enabler
relationship in the late 70’s. With our family on the edge of self-destruction
in 1987, my husband, an enrolled member of the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe, born
and raised on the Leech Lake reservation, had a transformational experience
which changed his worldview and led him to take our family in a new
direction.
Having watched many of his relatives suffer within the
reservation system, he began to see reservation violence and crime as an
outcome of current federal Indian policy more than it was about past policy.
This led us to forming an advocacy in the late 90’s for families hurt by
federal Indian policy. We did our best
to share hope and life, as inadequate as we were, by assisting extended family
in our home, neighbors in our community, and strangers across the nation. We
never did it for money; there was never any money. Everything we did came from
passion for the lives of our children, nieces and nephews, and extended
communities.
Unfortunately, reservation crime, corruption, drug abuse and
violence have continued to increase over the years. My husband has since passed
away and I am a widow, continuing the work we had begun in 1996.
This thesis compiles some of the documented history,
philosophy, and consequences of federal Indian policy. It also includes a
preliminary quantitative causal comparative survey with 1351 participants – 551
of whom identify tribal heritage – and explores the relationship between
differences.
We serve a powerful God with whom all things are
possible. Our job is to serve in the
capacity He has given us, even if we do not understand why, and then enjoy
watching what He does next.
Abstract
This
paper will examine the philosophical underpinnings of current federal Indian
policy and its physical, emotional, and economic consequences on individuals
and communities.
The U.S. Civil Rights Commission found in 1990 that “[T]he Government of the United States has failed to provide civil rights protection for Native Americans living on reservations” (W. B. Allen 1990, 2). As Regan (2014) observes, individuals have been denied full title to their property – and thus use of the property as leverage to improve their economic condition (Regan 2014). Tribal executive and judicial branches have been accused of illegal search and seizures, denial of right to counsel or jury, ex parte hearings and violations of due process and equal protection (W. B. Allen 1990, 3). Violence, criminal activity, child abuse and trafficking are rampant on many reservations (DOJ 2018). Largely because of crime and corruption, many have left the reservation system. The last two U.S. censuses’ report 75% of tribal members do not live in Indian Country (US Census Bureau 2010).
Research suggests current federal Indian policy and the reservation system are built on philosophies destructive to the physical, emotional and economic health of individual tribal members. This paper contends that allowing property rights for individual tribal members, enforcing rule of law within reservation systems, supporting law enforcement, and upholding full constitutional rights and protections of all citizens would secure the lives, liberties and properties of affected individuals and families.
Introduction
For almost 200 years the U.S. federal
government has claimed wardship over members of federally recognized Indian
tribes. Yet, despite the nineteenth
century U.S. federal court rulings that propagated this view, disagreement
continues as to whether tribes located within the United States are sovereign,
whether Congress has plenary power over them, and whether individual tribal
members have U.S. Constitutional rights:
- Some say the nineteenth century U.S. Supreme Court cases
known as the ‘Marshall Trilogy’ contradict tribal sovereignty. Others say they uphold it.
- Some say treaties promise a permanent trust relationship.
Others point out that most treaties have clearly specified final payments of
federal funds and benefits and were written and signed with clear intent for
gradual assimilation.
- Some say the Constitution
never gave Congress anything more than the power to regulate trade with tribes.
Others claim the Constitution not only gave Congress total and exclusive
plenary power to decide every aspect of life in Indian Country – but by
unstated extension, gave the executive branch this power as well.
- Some argue that the
Constitution never had authority over tribes or tribal members. Others cite the
Constitution when seeking judicial redress.
- Some tribal officials
argue that international law should not have been forced upon non-European
cultures that had no say in it. Others point to natural law and international
law – the grounds for treaties between nations – as basis for uninterrupted
tribal sovereignty.
Inherent, retained tribal
sovereignty was reality for tribal governments prior to the formation of the
United States and in the immediate years following its birth, but is not
reflected in case law from the 1800s and much of the 1900s. By the time of
Andrew Jackson, the United States had taken a position of control. Further,
over the last two centuries, the vast majority of tribal leaders accepted large
payments for land, accepted federal trust benefits, and submitted to federal
government’s de facto power over them.
Throughout history and
every heritage, various men have coveted power over others. Today, tribal governments, while accepting
and playing into Congress’ claim of plenary power, have themselves, also,
claimed exclusive jurisdiction and authority over unwilling citizens. Tribal governments regularly lobby and petition both
Congress and the White House to codify tribal jurisdiction over the lives,
liberty and property of everyone within reservation boundaries as well as some
outside reservation boundaries. While
claiming exclusive jurisdiction, tribal governments have requested and given
blessing for the federal government to manage children of tribal heritage –
asking Congress to write the Indian Child Welfare Act and the executive branch
to write federal rules governing the placement of every enrollable child in
need of care. Some tribal governments and supportive entities have gone further
– asking even governors and state legislators to expand on and strengthen
control over children with heritage.
Often cited as justification for the ICWA is a 1998 pilot
study by Carol Locust, a training director at the Native American Research and
Training Center at the University of Arizona College of Medicine. Locust’s study is said to have shown that
“every Indian child placed in a non-Indian home for either foster care or
adoption is placed at great risk of long-term psychological damage as an adult” (Locust, Split
Feather Study 1998).
Referring to the condition as the “Split-feather Syndrome,” Locust
claims to have identified “unique factors of Indian children placed in
non-Indian homes that created damaging effects” (Locust, Split
Feather Study 1998).
The Minnesota Department of Human Services noted “an astonishing 19 out
of 20 Native adult adoptees showed signs of “Split-feather syndrome” during
Locust’s limited study (DHS 2005).
“Unfortunately,” according to Bonnie Cleaveland, PhD ABPP, “the study was implemented so poorly that we cannot draw conclusions from it.” Only twenty adoptees with tribal heritage – total – were interviewed. All were removed from their biological families and placed with non-native families. There were no control groups to address other variables. According to Cleaveland:
Locust asserts that out-of-culture removal causes substance abuse and psychiatric problems. However, she uses no control group. She doesn’t acknowledge the high rates of trauma, psychiatric and substance abuse among AI/AN people who remain in their culture and among the population of foster children. These high rates of psychosocial problems could easily account for all of the symptoms Locust found in her subjects
(Cleaveland 2015).
Cleaveland concluded, “Sadly, because many judges and attorneys, and even
some caseworkers and other professionals, are not familiar with the research,
results that may be very wrong are leading to the wrong outcomes for children” (Cleaveland
2015). While supporters of ICWA cite “Split-feather
Syndrome” as proof the ICWA is in the best interest of children, many children
have been hurt by application of the law.
Questions that need more
extensive study include whether children who were adopted into
non-Indian families as children show greater problems with self-identity,
self-esteem, and inter-personal relationships than do their peers. Are the ties between children who have tribal
heritage and their birth families and culture stronger than that of their
peers, no matter the age at adoption?
Other considerations include whether all tribal members support federal
policies that mandate their cases be heard only in tribal courts and whether a
percentage of persons of tribal heritage believe federal Indian policy
infringes on their life, liberty and property.
The central concern of this paper is how
current federal Indian policy has affected the lives, liberty and property of
those who have tribal heritage – most specifically the Indian Child Welfare
Act. Through research of the historical foundations
of federal Indian policy and a nation-wide comparative survey of family
dynamics, this paper will attempt to answer these and other questions.
READ FULL TEXT – https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/masters/591
Citation
Morris, Elizabeth S. The Philosophical Underpinnings and Negative Consequences of the Indian Child Welfare Act. Master Thesis, Helms School of Government, Liberty University, Lynchburg: Digital Commons, 2019, 337.
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